More than 1,300 people who were detained ( keep (someone) from proceeding by holding them back or making claims on their attention) around the Centre’s abrupt move on August 5 that downgraded ( reduce to a lower grade, rank, or level of importance) and bifurcated ( divide into two branches or forks) Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) continue to be so 15 weeks later. In detention ( the action of detaining someone or the state of being detained in official custody)  are dozens of elected representatives including a member of the Lok Sabha, Farooq Abdullah, who also happens to be a former Chief Minister.

Senior functionaries of the government have repeatedly said the situation is normal in J&K, but indefinite preventive detention of people is difficult to justify under any circumstances. With continuing restrictions on communication, gauging ( estimate or determine the amount, level, or volume of) the mood of the people may be tricky, but some signs of normalcy ( the condition of being normal; the state of being usual, typical, or expected) are visible as more businesses open and vehicular traffic increases in the Valley.

Now that the first Lieutenant Governor has also taken charge in J&K, immediate steps must be taken to open up political and civil society space. Instead of trying to hard sell an improbable ( not likely to be true or to happen)  portrait to the outside world, the Centre would do well by engaging with those most affected by its decisions — the people of J&K. The government cannot possibly see merit in undermining ( the action or process of lessening the effectiveness, power, or ability of someone or something, especially gradually or insidiously)  mainstream political leaders in J&K.

The paradox ( a person or thing that combines contradictory features or qualities) of continuing detentions and restrictions in J&K was stark ( severe or bare in appearance or outline) when Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke about the forthcoming ( about to happen or appear)  Constitution Day and the role of the Rajya Sabha in sustaining India’s federal structure on the first day of the winter session of Parliament. As the PM rightly indicated, Parliament is for giving meaningful voice to the people, not to make disruptive ( troublesome) noise.

But those prevented from attending the House are denied the right to speak for the people they are elected to represent. The PM’s call for frank discussions and dialogues in the current session would ring hollow when some of them remain in detention. The government has refused to make any commitment on Mr. Abdullah’s release, while a member of Rajya Sabha, Congress leader P. Chidambaram remains in judicial custody as government agencies and law officers show an alacrity ( brisk and cheerful readiness)  that they reserve exclusively for pursuing ( follow or chase (someone or something))  Opposition leaders.

The PM’s appreciation of the Rajya Sabha’s role in the hollowing out of Article 370 through a hurried ( done in a hurry; rushed) resolution in the last session was disingenuous ( not candid or sincere, typically by pretending that one knows less about something than one really does). The non-deliberative manner in which a full-fledged State was reduced into two UTs in one stroke was an unprecedented ( never done or known before) assault on federalism.

Disruption by the Opposition is a marginal challenge to the role of Parliament at present. The real and graver ( giving cause for alarm; serious)  trial of the legislature is the executive’s refusal to be scrutinised ( examine or inspect closely and thoroughly) by it. By undermining parliamentary committees and brazenly ( in a bold and shameless way) labelling any Bill as a money Bill in order to bypass the Rajya Sabha, the government has shown scant ( barely sufficient or adequate) regard for parliamentary precedents and processes. A course correction is in order.