Read Editorial with D2G – Ep CXXXV

In Read Editorial With D2G
May 5, 2016

FIRST DRAFT OF A NEW HURRIYAT POLICY

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 D2G wears no responsibility of the views published here by the respective Author. This Editorial is used here for Study Purpose. Students are advised to learn the word-meaning, The Art of Writing Skills and understand the crux of this Editorial.

MEANINGS are given in BOLD and ITALIC

It seems to be a U-turn that leaves scope for another U-turn. It signals a softened stand that allows for the reaffirmation of the status quo (The status quo is the state of affairs that exists at a particular time, especially in contrast to a different possible state of affairs – यथास्थिति). That’s the quandary (If you are in a quandary, you have to make a decision but cannot decide what to do – आशंका) the statement on Kashmiri separatists in Parliament by VK Singh, minister of state for external affairs, puts analysts in. Replying to a question on the government’s views on the Hurriyat Conference and its confabulations (In psychiatry, Confabulation is a memory disturbance, defined as the production of fabricated, distorted or misinterpreted memories about oneself or the world, without the conscious intention to deceive) with the Pakistan High Commission, Mr Singh said that “since the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of the Union of India, there is no bar on their meetings with representatives of any country in India”. He, nonetheless, stated that “India’s displeasure at Pakistan’s attempts to interfere in India’s internal affairs has been repeatedly conveyed to Pakistan”.

It is difficult to discern (If you can discern something, you are aware of it and know what it is – जानना) if this statement represents a change of government policy but one can speculate (If you speculate about something, you make guesses about its nature or identity, or about what might happen – कल्पना करना) about its motivations. The Hurriyat leadership’s contact with the Pakistan High Commission was a red line for the Narendra Modi government. Bilateral talks have been stalled because both sides are insisting on privileging their areas of concern, with Islamabad focused on J&K and New Delhi on terrorism. Since curtailing (If you curtail something, you reduce or limit it – घटाना) political activity in Kashmir prompts frequent criticism, India may well be alert to the benefits of allowing separatists to interact with the Pakistani government. That way it allows Islamabad to claim that its “core issue” remains very much on the agenda while India can simultaneously express its displeasure at anything it construes (If something is construed in a particular way, its nature or meaning is interpreted in that way – आशय बतलाना) as interference. Equally, this may just be an attempt to make bilateral contact this year less awkward, keeping in view the Heart of Asia conference in India and the SAARC summit at Islamabad. In effect, how Mr Singh’s statement translates into policy remains provisional at the moment. The minister’s point that the Hurriyat leaders can meet representatives of any country “in India” suggests that they are unlikely to head to Pakistan or anywhere else.

It will be interesting to see how the separatists react and how Islamabad manages contact with them. There are several moving parts in India-Pakistan dynamics. The near future will depend on India’s assessment of the power struggle between PM Nawaz Sharif and Gen. Raheel Sharif and New Delhi’s reading of the risks of avoiding a political process in Kashmir.

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