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At the end of his rousing (exciting; stirring) speech to the U.S. Congress, Prime Minister Narendra Modi quoted Walt Whitman to indicate that there was a “new symphony in play” between India and the U.S. The past two years bear out such lyricism (an artist’s expression of emotion in an imaginative and beautiful way) in the bilateral relationship.
Defence ties have been consolidated in three ways: in defence procurement (the action or occupation of acquiring military equipment and supplies) from the U.S. as well as co-development projects, which are worth over $14 billion; in coordination, cooperation and sharing of information between the two defence forces; and increasingly, on the idea of working together on operations on piracy (the practice of attacking and robbing ships at sea) , peacekeeping and patrolling (keep watch over (an area) by regularly walking or travelling around it).
However, it is the strategic relationship, with India’s positioning on non-alignment, that is the most dramatic score in the symphony. Although the Centre has drawn the line at an alliance and “joint patrols”, it is clear from the joint vision statement signed in New Delhi last year that the Modi government intends (design or destine something for a particular purpose) to move closer to the U.S. on defence issues.
In recognition, during Mr. Modi’s visit the U.S. declared India a “major defence partner”, a designation specially created to describe this new relationship and one that is just short of a military alliance. In 2005, Manmohan Singh told the U.S. Congress of how “India’s growth and prosperity is in American interest”, and the heavy lifting has yielded (produce or provide (a natural, agricultural, or industrial product)) annual bilateral trade of $107 billion now. On Wednesday, Mr. Modi took the theme forward by saying, “A stronger and prosperous (bringing wealth and success) India is in America’s strategic interest.”
All symphonies have a short pause between movements, and the government must take a similar pause as the U.S. administration changes to chart the road ahead. It must also factor in the strategic (relating to the gaining of overall or long-term military advantage) closeness with the U.S. on its other key bilateral (having or relating to two sides) engagements, from Russia to China, and within the neighbourhood.
Mr. Modi’s statement that a strong U.S. partnership will “ensure security of the sea lanes of commerce and freedom of navigation on seas” all the way from “Asia to Africa and from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific” will be read by Beijing with some concern; India should either reassure (say or do something to remove the doubts and fears of (someone)) China or be prepared for a counter-move from Beijing on this count.
Mr. Modi seemed to suggest India has firmly put its Cold War compacts (composed or made up of) behind it when he said the Indo-U.S. relationship has “overcome the hesitations (the action of pausing before saying or doing something) of history”. If such a candid admission can be made across the seas inside the U.S. Congress, the Modi government would serve India’s foreign policy well to explain its strategic shift to Parliament too. This is a necessary domestic input to allow the relationship to be “a bridge to a more united, humane and prosperous world”, words that drew standing ovation.
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